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Updated on 3/4/2002 9:33:18 AM
The Sangh is Vajpayees
soul
Khawaja Mohammad Bashir Butt
We are generally gullible and are easily taken in by glib words
or meek postures.
We divide the Hindutva leadership into the categories of soft and
hard, hawks and doves or extremists and moderates.
It is an ingrained strategy and the nature of the Hindutva
leadership that while dealing with their adversaries, some of
them outwardly pose as moderates and the other as diehard
extremists, but in reality, they are chips off the same block.
Both are the parts of the same body and structure serving a
common purpose and goal.
Some people in Pakistan consider Vajpayee as a moderate and soft
leader and not an extremist and fundamentalist Hindu leader.
Here is reality and the truth from the horses mouth as
shown by the following extracts from Mr Vajpayees own
article entitled The Sang is my soul, published in
the weekly New Delhi (The official organ of RSS and BJP) dated
May 7, 1995.
I came in contact with the RSS in 1939 through Arya Kumar
Sabha, a youth branch of Arya Samaj in Gwalior.
I started going to the Shakha regularly.
I liked the games played in the Shakha as well as the weekly
Buddhiks (intellectual discourses).
A Pracharak Shri Narayanroa Tarte had come from Nagpur to start
the Shakha.
What I am today is the making of Shri Tarte.
(Note: The RSS runs schools and training camps that openly
promote religious intolerance and discrimination on the basis of
caste.
At present, there are more than 300,000 such camps in India known
as Shakhas, which are recruiting young boys and men.
They give them extensive physical and ideological training,
creating disciples full of Hindu fervour and
military-like discipline) Next to him I was inspired by
Deendayal Upadhyaya and Bhauroa Decras.
In 1941 when I was in high school, I did my first year of officer
training course of RSS.
In 1942 when I was in the intermediate class I did my second year
OTC and I did my third year in 1944 when I was doing my BA.
When I wrote Hindu Jeevan, I was a student of Class X.
Owing to the partition, I could not complete my law.
Then in 1947 we were assertive Hindus.
I decided to give up my studies to come out as a wholetime
worker of RSS.
Till 1947 I did the RSS work at the Shakha level and carried on
my studies.
My elder brother was also attached with the RSS.
The RSS does not change only individuals.
It changes also the collective mind.
That is the beauty of the RSS ethos.
Gandhiji had praised the RSS for absence of untouchability in the
organisation.
The RSS has a two-fold task before it.
One is to organise the Hindus to build a strong Hindu society.
The other task is to assimilate the non-Hindus like Muslims and
Christians in the mainstream.
But the Islamic division of the world into darul harab and darul
Islam comes in the way.
Islam has yet to learn the art of existing and flourishing in a
country were Muslims are in a minority.
The Congress has not correctly understood the Muslim
problem.
They continue to carry on their policy of appeasement.
But to what effect? The Muslims of this country can be treated in
three ways.
One is tiraskar, which means if they will not themselves change,
then leave them alone and reject them as our compatriots.
Second is puraskar, which is appeasement, i.e.
bribe them to behave, which is being done by the Congress and
others of their like.
The third way is parishkar, meaning to change them by offering
them the right samskaras.
Their religion will not be changed.
Mecca can continue to be holy for the Muslims but India should be
holier than the holy for them.
If they have to choose between Mecca or Islam and India, they
must choose India.
I wrote Hindu Jeevan when I was studying in the tenth
class.
I had then said, Koi batlaye Kabul mein jaker kitni
masjidien torin. I still stand by my words.
But we did pull down the structure in Ayodhya.
In fact ,it was a reaction to the Muslim vote bank.
There was no puraskar for burai (evil).
We change burai also with parishkar.
Now I think the Hindu society has been regenerated, which was the
prime task of the RSS.
Earlier, Hindus used to bend before an invasion, but not now.
If the Hindu society does not expand itself it will face a crisis
of survival.
We have to expand ourselves.
We have to take others along with us.
The ample reason for my long association with the RSS is that I
like the Sangh.
I like its ideology.
Actually, the Sangh is our family.
We are all one.
In the beginning, we could not spread our work in all sections of
society because we did not have enough workers.
As we have more workers now, we are covering allocations of
society in all fields of life.
Organiser , RSS: Vision and Action Special,
May 7, 1995. p. 61-63.
The Sangh is my Soul
(by Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee)
What I am today is the making of Shri Tarte.
Next to him I was inspired by Deendayal Upadhyaya and Bhaurao
Deoras. Gwalior was then not within the field of Bhauraoji. But
once he had come to Gwalior with Shri Balasaheb Apte who was the
then Bauddhik Pramukh... My father was not attached to the RSS,
but my elder brother was... But the Islamic division of the world
into 'Darul Harab' and 'Darul Islam' comes in the way. Islam has
yet to learn the art of existing and flourishing in a country
where Muslims are in a minority. They cannot convert the whole of
India to Islam. After all, they have to live here. So they have
to recognise this fact. And today it has become a matter of grave
concern and deep thinking in the Muslim countries. Because Quran
offers no guidance in this regard. It only talks of killing
kafirs or converting them to Islam. But they cannot do it always
and everywhere. How can they do it where they are in a minority?
If they try to do it, a major clash will take place and only the
members of the minority will be killed. But Muslims themselves
have to change this state of affairs. We cannot change it for
them... Congress has not correctly understood the Muslim problem.
They continue to carry on their policy of appeasement. But to
what effect? The Muslims of this country can be treated in three
ways.... One is 'tiraskar' which means if they will not
themselves change leave them alone, reject them as out
compatriots. Second is 'puruskar' which is appeasement, i.e.,
bribe them to behave, which is being done by the Congress and
others of their ilk. The third way is 'parishkar' meaning to
change them, that is, restore them to the mainstream by providing
them samskaras. ... We want to change them by offering them the
right samskaras. Their religion will not be changed. They can
follow their own religion. Mecca can continue to be holy for the
Muslims but India should be holier than the holy for them. You
can go to a mosque and offer namaz, you can keep the roza. We
have no problem. But if you have to choose between Mecca or Islam
and India you must choose India. All the muslims should have this
feeling: we will live and die only for this country.
I wrote "Hindu Tan-man Hindu Jeevan" when I was
studying in the tenth class. I had then said, "koi batlaye
Kabul mein jaakar kitni masjiden todin." I still stand by my
words. But we (Hindus) did pull down the structure in Ayodhya. In
fact it was a reaction to the Muslim vote-bank. We wanted to
solve this problem through negotiation and legislation. But there
was no puraskar for burai (evil act). We change burai also with
parishkar. Now I think, the Hindu society has been regenerated
which was the prime task of the RSS. Earlier Hindus used to bend
before an invasion but not now. This change in Hindu society is
worthy of welcome. So much change must have come with the
new-found ... The simple reason for my long association with the
RSS is that I like the Sangh. I like its ideology, and above all
I like the RSS attitude towards people, towards one another which
is found only in the RSS ... When I was ill during the Emergency,
my family members did not turn up to see me. They were afraid of
being arrested for any such action. Only the RSS workers helped
me.
Organiser, "RSS: Vision and Action
Special", May 7, 1995. p. 61-63.
"The Sangh is my
Soul"
(by Shri Atal Behari Vajpayee)
{Quote}
I came in contact with the RSS in 1939 through Arya Kumar Sabha,
a youth branch of Arya Samaj, in Gwalior-then a princely state
which was not part of any province. I came from a strong
'sanatani' family. But I used to be at the weekly 'satsang' of
Arya Kumar Sabha. Once Shri Bhoodev Shastri who was a senior
worker of Arya kumar Sabha, and a great thinker and an expert
organiser, asked us: "What do you do in the evenings?"
"Nothing", we said, because the Arya Kumar Sabha used
to meet in the morning on every Sunday. Then he recommended us to
go to the shakha. Thus I started going to the Shakha in Gwalior.
It was my first association with the RSS. At that time the shakha
in Gwalior had just begun. It had only Maharashtrian boys, and
naturally all the swayamsevaks used to speak only Marathi. I
started going to the shakha regularly. I liked the games played
in the shakha as well as the weekly 'bauddhiks' (intellectual
discourses).
A pracharak, Shri Narayanrao Tarte had come from Nagpur to start
the shakha. He was indeed a superb human being; a very simple
man, a thinker and an expert organiser. What I am today is the
making of Shri Tarte. Next to him I was inspired by Deendayal
Upadhyaya and Bhaurao Deoras. Gwalior was then not within the
field of Bhauraoji. But once he had come to Gwalior with Shri
Balasaheb Apte who was the then Bauddhik Pramukh. Apteji was very
soft-spoken. We were soon drawn towards him. I had talked with
him for only a few minutes. But the same year (1940) when I went
to see the first year Officers' Training Camp (OTC), I came in
close contact with him. I went there just to attend the
valedictory function of the camp, not for training. Dr. Hedgewar
had also come there for the some time. I first saw him there.
When Doctorji was ill I went to see him. In 1941 when I was in
High School I did my first year OTC. In 1942 when I was in
Intermediate class I did my second year OTC, and I did my third
year in 1944 when I was doing my B.A.
When I wrote 'Hindu Tan-man Hindu Jeevan' I was a student of
class X. After completing my graduation from Gwalior I did my
M.A. from the DAV College in Kanpur, because there was no
post-graduate college in Gwalior. I then got State Government's
scholarship also. Owing to Partition, I could not complete my
Law. And then in 1947, I decided to give up my studies to come
out as a whole-time worker of the RSS. Till 1947 I did the RSS
work at the shakha level and carried on my studies. I also
participated in the Quit India Movement in 1942 and was jailed. I
was then studying for my Intermediate examination. I was arrested
from my native village Bhateshwar in Agra district. I was then
16.
My father was not attached to the RSS, but my elder brother was.
He would go to the shakha. Once he went to the winter camp where
he created a problem. He said: "I cannot take my food with
the other swayamsevaks. I shall prepare my food myself." And
see how deftly the RSS handled the situation. The 'sarvadhikari'
(superintendent) of the camp complied with his request and
provided him all the necessary thing for preparing his food.
After taking his bath and properly adjusting his sacred thread,
etc., he started cooking his food. On the first day he prepared
the food for himself. The next day, however, he could not prepare
it and joined the queue of all swayamsevaks for partaking of the
food. Within 44 hours he was changed.
The RSS does not change only individuals. It changes also the
collective mind. This is the beauty of the RSS ethos. In our
spiritual tradition an individual can attain a great height. Even
self-realisation is possible if one undertakes the right
'sadhana' and also attain 'nirvana.' But what about the society?
Nobody thinks about his obligation to the society in general. Now
for the first time the RSS thought about it and concluded that by
changing individuals we shall change the society. Had the
sarvadhikari at the camp scolded him and not allowed him to
prepare his food himself his spiritual development would have
been thwarted, whereas in the RSS within 44 hours he was a
changed boy. This is the "secret method" of the RSS.
That is how society is changed. It is true that it is a long
process but then there are no short-cuts, no instant recipes.
Gandhiji had praised the RSS for the absence of untouchability in
the organisation. Only the RSS organises the society. Other
movements only divide the society by emphasising distinct
'identity', different 'interests', special 'status', etc. They
only encourage untouchability by constantly reminding the
so-called untouchables of their "separateness."
"You are being insulted. You have no place in society."
The RSS has a two-fold task before it. One is to organise the
Hindus. To build a strong Hindu society, well-knit and rising
above caste and other artificial differences. Some differences
will persist but then variety is the spice of life. Like, we have
the differences of the language. We don't want to destroy this
diversity. The other task is to assimilate the non-Hindus, like
Muslims and Christians in the mainstream. They can follow the
faith of their own conviction. No one can object to it. We
worship trees, animals, stones, and what not. We have hundreds of
ways of worshipping God. They can go where they want. But this
country must be looked upon as the Motherland for them. They must
have a feeling of patriotism for this country. But the Islamic
division of the world into 'Darul Harab' and 'Darul Islam' comes
in the way. Islam has yet to learn the art of existing and
flourishing in a country where Muslims are in a minority. They
cannot convert the whole of India to Islam. After all, they have
to live here. So they have to recognise this fact. And today it
has become a matter of grave concern and deep thinking in the
Muslim countries. Because Quran offers no guidance in this
regard. It only talks of killing kafirs or converting them to
Islam. But they cannot do it always and everywhere. How can they
do it where they are in a minority? If they try to do it, a major
clash will take place and only the members of the minority will
be killed. But Muslims themselves have to change this state of
affairs. We cannot change it for them.
Congress has not correctly understood the Muslim problem. They
continue to carry on their policy of appeasement. But to what
effect? The Muslims of this country can be treated in three ways.
One is 'tiraskar' which means if they will not themselves change
leave them alone, reject them as out compatriots. Second is
'puruskar' which is appeasement, i.e., bribe them to behave,
which is being done by the Congress and others of their ilk. The
third way is 'parishkar' meaning to change them, that is, restore
them to the mainstream by providing them samskaras. We want to
change them by offering them the right samskaras. Their religion
will not be changed. They can follow their own religion. Mecca
can continue to be holy for the Muslims but India should be
holier than the holy for them. You can go to a mosque and offer
namaz, you can keep the roza. We have no problem. But if you have
to choose between Mecca or Islam and India you must choose India.
All the muslims should have this feeling: we will live and die
only for this country.
I wrote "Hindu Tan-man Hindu Jeevan" when I was
studying in the tenth class. I had then said, "koi batlaye
Kabul mein jaakar kitni masjiden todin." I still stand by my
words. But we (Hindus) did pull down the structure in Ayodhya. In
fact it was a reaction to the Muslim vote-bank. We wanted to
solve this problem through negotiation and legislation. But there
was no puraskar for burai (evil act). We change burai also with
parishkar. Now I think, the Hindu society has been regenerated
which was the prime task of the RSS. Earlier Hindus used to bend
before an invasion but not now. This change in Hindu society is
worthy of welcome. So much change must have come with the
new-found self-assertion. This is a question of
self-preservation. If the Hindu society does not expand itself it
will face the crisis of survival. We have to expand ourselves. We
have to take others along with. Now the Yadavs and the so-called
Harijans are going with us. After all we have to live as Hindus.
Once a Yadav leader came to me and said: "Don't condemn all
Yadavs. All Yadavs are not with Mulayam Singh and Laloo Prasad. A
'samskrit' (cultured) Yadav does not like them. There can be
sections of Rajput, Kurmi and Gujjar Muslims but you cannot find
any Yadav Muslim anywhere. The Yadavs never accepted Islam. This
talk of "Yadav-Muslim" Unity - MY card - is nothing
more than an empty slogan for votes."
The simple reason for my long association with the RSS is that I
like the Sangh. I like its ideology, and above all I like the RSS
attitude towards people, towards one another which is found only
in the RSS. I remember an incident, when I was in Lucknow. The
Socialist movement was its peak. Suddenly a senior socialist
activist fell ill. He was lying alone in his house, and nobody
went to enquire after his well-being. Then Acharya Narendra Deo
came to know and he went to his house to see him. The Acharya
then said, "What fraternity is this in the Socialist Party?
Nobody has come to see you. It can never happen in the RSS. If a
swayamsevak does not go to the shakha only for one day the same
day friends will promptly reach his house to enquire about his
well-being."
When I was ill during the Emergency, my family members did not
turn up to see me. They were afraid of being arrested for any
such action. Only the RSS workers helped me. See, how much living
contact and fraternal feeling is in the RSS. Actually the Sangh
is our family. We are all one.
In the beginning we could not spread our work in all sections of
the society because we did not have enough workers.
"Man-making" is the prime job of the RSS. As we now
have more workers, we are covering all sections of the society in
all fields of life. Changes are taking place in all spheres. But
the work of man-making will not be discontinued, it will go on.
It must go on. That is what the RSS movement is.
{Unquote}
In `RSS - The "Sangh": What is it, and what is it not?" Partha Banerjee notes that:
"Atal Bihari Vajpayee, the parliamentary leader of BJP, is a lifelong member of RSS, more commonly known as the "Sangh". Most leaders and active members of BJP are products of the Sangh and steeped in its Hindu supremacist doctrine. Vajpayee was a full-time RSS worker before he was "released" for BJP (formerly Jana Sangh) activities. In one of his Hindi poems, Vajpayee proclaims: "Hindu Hindu mera parichay"-my only identity is Hindu. This may remind us of his campaign speeches during the recent Indian elections, "Is it a crime to be a Hindu in this country?" ...
"Israel now has become a hot favorite of the Sangh Parivar-Vajpayee, Advani, and other BJP leaders have frequented the country to show their support for the ferociously anti-Arab nation. Attempts have often been made, allegedly, to iron out the Sangh's previously bitter relationships with USA via the mediation of Israel. Note the irony here-a Hitler-admiring organization is having a mutual love-fest with the one nation that has the most reason on earth to despise anything that even remotely seeks of Hitler and the Nazi party. "
`Vajpayee-"Hindutva" &
Minorities' SAAG, paper 67
Pandit Vajpayee's belief
Akhand Bharat
Pandrah august ka din kahta,
azadi abhi adhuri hai sapne sach hone banki hain,
ravi ki shapath na poori hai.
din door nahin khandit bharat ko,
punah akhand banayenge,
gilgit se garo parwat tak azadi parva manayenge. us swarn divas
ke liye aaj se kamar kasen
balidan karen jo paya usme kho na jayen
jo khoya uska dhyan karen.
(The day of August 15 says-Freedom is still
incomplete.
There are still dreams waiting to be realised.
River Ravi`s pledge is still unfulfilled.
The day is not far when we shall reunite the divided India.
From Gilgit to Garo Mountain, we shall celebrate the freedom
festival.
Come, get ready to strive, and sacrifice for the golden day, so
that we protect what we have got and aim to get what we have
lost.)
The News International, Friday, April 26,
2002
Criticism over Gujarat riots
irks Vajpayee
NEW DELHI: Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee lashed out
on Thursday at swelling international criticism of the
Hindu-Muslim riots in Gujarat state as the violence claimed
another life.
Vajpayee, angered over comments by Western diplomats in local
papers, told a religious gathering in New Delhi that India would
not accept sermons from other countries about its handling of the
bloodbath. "India is being advised on pluralism and
secularism. We need not learn about secularism from
anybody," Vajpayee said. He also maintained that his
government would be able to end the violence. "Our
foundation is strong. There is no reason why people, who in the
present circumstances have deviated, should not come back on the
right path," Vajpayee added.
Thirty-one people have been killed in Gujarat since Sunday, when
fresh unrest broke out in the deadliest clashes there since the
army was deployed to keep order in early March. In the latest
incident, police said on Thursday one man was killed and two
others injured in overnight riots. They were shot by police who
fired several rounds on a mob, who were burning down houses and
other properties in the commercial hub of Ahmedabad.
The international criticism caused India's foreign ministry to
warn European and other countries on Wednesday not to meddle in
the nation's internal affairs. "Some foreign countries and
missions in New Delhi are injecting themselves into the highly
politically charged internal debate in the country and are
creating an impression of playing a partisan role," the
ministry said and added.
The Hindu, Opinion, April 16, 2002
Mr. Vajpayee, the swayamsevak
By Kuldip Nayar
The outcry by the intelligentsia is not because the Prime
Minister, Atal Behari Vajpayee's mask has come off but because
his liberalism has turned out to be phoney. Many feel cheated
when they find him as much a torchbearer of Hindutva as anyone
else in the Sangh Parivar. An RSS ideologue had repeatedly said
that Mr. Vajpayee was only a `mukut' (mask). Still very few
believed him because Mr. Vajpayee spoke and even sometimes acted
differently from the saffron leaders. In fact, one sympathised
with him, believing that his was a lone voice, lost in the
cacophony of fundamentalists. It was hoped a mere wishful
thinking that some day his voice would be loud enough to
silence those who were arguing in favour of converting the
democratic secular India into a theocratic state.
Doubts about Mr. Vajpayee were always there. But never before was
he found out, as happened at the BJP's Goa conclave. His
behaviour and contradictory statements after the Gujarat carnage
have made people see him in his true colours. The question is not
whether the Gujarat Chief Minister, Narendra Modi should be
removed or not. The question is whether Mr. Vajpayee should
defend him and echo his words. The burning of Ram sevaks at
Godhra is unpardonable and the Centre is doing well to find out
the killers. They deserve no mercy. But when Mr. Vajpayee says
that the happenings in the rest of Gujarat were a consequence of
Godhra, he repeats what Mr. Modi said to cover up his mistakes
and complicity: ``Action would have reaction.'' Incidents in
Ahmedabad and Vadodra were part of a well-planned and
well-executed scheme of exterminating a particular community.
This scheme had been prepared long before Godhra and it would
have been carried out, even without the gruesome Godhra incident.
Taking Mr. Vajpayee's explanation to its logical end will mean
that if some Muslim fundamentalists were to kill some Hindus at a
certain place, it would be natural for Hindus to kill innocent
Muslims elsewhere. What norms the Prime Minister is trying to lay
down?
And what an irresponsible statement he has made at the BJP's
meeting at Goa: ``We allow them (Muslims and Christians) to offer
prayers and follow their religion''. This is an excerpt which a
Delhi paper published on the front page in its Sunday edition.
Who are `we'? Is he justified to say so? Just because he is the
Prime Minister with the help of some self-serving members of the
National Democratic Alliance (NDA), or just because he belongs to
the majority community, can he arrogate to himself the power
which no one has got, since power belongs to the people living in
the country?
And even if the country comes to be ruled by Mr. Vajpayee's
party, it does not mean that he has the authority to dictate to
the minorities. They draw their right from the Constitution as
Mr. Vajpayee does. India is as much their country as his. The
Constitution used the word, ``We, the People of India''.
No individual, government or party is above the people. Both the
majority and the minority constitute the people.
Mr. Vajpayee has done a service by owning Hindutva openly. At
least those who have had illusions about him know who he is. He
is only a swayamsewak who stands to attention at RSS parades to
prove that he is as obedient as any other in the Parivar and all
of them believe that religion and the state are synonymous. What
a fall!
I won't be surprised if Mr. Vajpayee does not get even a footnote
in history.
IndiaExpress.com, February 05, 2002
Vajpayee strongly defends the
RSS
In what is sure to kick up a political storm, Indian Prime
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has come out strongly in defense of
the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and called it a cultural
and social organization.
Vajpayee on February 5 defended the Gujarat Government's decision
to lift the ban on the State government employees joining the RSS
in the face of opposition criticism.
"Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh is not a political outfit. It
is a cultural and social organization and I don't think
objections should be raised on anybody joining it," Vajpayee
told journalists after inaugurating the World Book Fair in New
Delhi.
Asked to comment on reports that President K R Narayanan had
sought clarification from the Center on the Gujarat Government's
decision, the Vajpayee said "The Government's stand will be
made known to the President. I am confident this will satisfy
him."
Central Civil Service (conduct) rules 1964 prohibit Government
servants from joining any political party or organization which
takes part in politics, subscribes in aid of or assists in any
other manner, any political movement or activity.
April 18, 2002 Posted: 10:08 AM EDT (1408
GMT)
Vajpayee reveals his true
colors
By Mark Tully
(CNN) -- The communal violence in the western Indian state of
Gujarat -- which is still continuing sporadically nearly eight
weeks after it first broke out -- has cast doubts on the future
of secularism in India.
Indian Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, known to believe in
moderation in politics, has now come out openly in support of the
Hindu hardliners in his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).
These hardliners now seem determined to revive the campaign for a
Hindu India.
Vajpayee has often been described as the mask, hiding the true
nature of his Bharatiya Janata Party with its ambition to
establish a Hindu India.
For four years as leader, he has held that mask firmly in place
but last weekend the mask slipped, or more accurately, he threw
it away.
There was nothing accidental about the hard-hitting speech he
made at a rally during the party's National Executive meeting in
Goa.
Vajpayee maintained that wherever there were Muslims in the world
there was strife and suggested that Hindus had the right to
decide the freedom to be allowed to other religions.
"We have allowed Hindus and Muslims to say their
prayers," the Indian leader said.
Support for Modi
He backed his party's support for Narendra Modi, the Chief
Minister of Gujarat, who has been widely criticized for failing
to control the recent outbreak of Hindu-Muslim violence and to
provide adequate relief for the displaced.
Gangs of Hindu rioters went on the rampage in Gujaray, killing
hundreds of Muslims and razing buildings and homes in revenge
attacks fuelled by the firebombing of a train carrying Hindu
activists.
The activists were returning from a controversial site sacred to
both Hindus and Muslims in the northern Indian town of Ayodhya.
They had been campaigning for the rebuilding of a Hindu temple on
the site of a mosque torn down in 1992.
At least 59 Hindus were killed when several carriages of the
train were torched on February 27.
That attack sparked the worst sectarian violence in India for
more than a decade, leaving around 800 people dead and thousands
homeless.
Vajpayee also backed the suggestion that Modi should dissolve the
Gujarat State Assembly and go for an election.
The BJP clearly believes that the attacks on Muslims, the
killings, the rape, the burning and the looting will be popular
with the Hindu electorate in Gujarat, and wants to hold an
election before the anti-Muslim sentiment subsides.
No option
In taking this stand, Vajpayee knew he was threatening the
survival of his government, so why did he throw away his mask?
He had no option. Under his leadership the BJP has recently
suffered a series of electoral disasters.
Just before Goa, it was humiliated in local body elections in
Delhi, once its stronghold.
These defeats have revived the long-running dispute within the
party.
On the one side, there have been those like Vajpayee who believe
that an uncompromising Hindu agenda will never attract more than
minority support.
On the other side, the ideologues maintain that the only purpose
of the party is to promote what they call Hindutva, arguing that
the party always becomes weaker when it abandons or waters down
its Hindu agenda.
The evidence of recent elections left Vajpayee defenseless
against the hardliners, so he had to back them when he faced his
party in Goa.
Turning point?
After Goa, Indians were asking whether this was a turning point
in their history.
Has the country got its first Prime Minister who is prepared to
be blatantly pro-Hindu? Is there going to be an election in
Gujarat openly fought on communal lines?
If so and the BJP wins, will it decide to go it alone in other
parts of the country fighting elections with campaigns which
provoke hatred of Muslims?.
Ten years ago Indians were also asking whether the secularism
which had been the guiding principle of the constitution since
independence had gone for good.
The question was provoked by the destruction of the mosque in
Ayodhya and the communal violence that erupted in its wake.
But secularism was restored and the Vajpayee line prevailed in
the BJP.
Temporary phenomenon
So it's tempting to forecast that Gujarat and
its aftermath will also prove to be a temporary phenomenon.
Already Vajpayee is claiming to have been misunderstood, and if
he is to hold his coalition together he can not allow the
temperature to remain at fever level.
The BJP seems to be having second thoughts about holding an
immediate election in Gujarat.
But even if the Cassandras are proved wrong that does not mean
the wounds of Gujarat will heal.
Muslims' confidence in Indian secularism has been shaken again.
Until the majority of Hindus make it absolutely clear that they
are determined to live up to the Indian tradition of equal
respect for all religions, there will be no antidote to the
communal poison being spread by some leaders of both communities.
Rediff.com, Friday, April 12, 2002
Muslims don't want to live in
harmony, says Vajpayee
Sheela Bhatt in Panaji
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee had an
unpleasant surprise for Muslims on Friday: he came down on the
community like a ton of bricks.
Addressing a public rally in the Goan capital, Vajpayee said
Islam has two faces: one that teaches tolerance and respects
human sentiments; another that fans militancy where there is no
place for tolerance.
Completely changing his tone from the anguished one he had
adopted in Gujarat last fortnight, Vajpayee, in the presence of
members of the Bharatiya Janata Party's national executive,
lashed out at Muslims. "In Indonesia, Malaysia, wherever
Muslims are living they don't want to live in harmony," he
claimed. "They don't mix with the society [ghul milkar nahin
rehte]. They are not interested in living in peace."
He said that along with Islam madrassas (Islamic religious
schools) should teach science subjects. They should also teach
children to live in harmony. "Talwar ke bal par mat ka
prachar nahin karna chahiye (Islamists should not preach their
opinions by force)," he said.
On the Gujarat riots, he took the same line as the hardliners
within the Sangh Parivar, blaming it all on the massacre at
Godhra. "Aag lagayi kisne?" he thundered. "Aag
faily kaise? (Who lit the fire? How did it spread?)"
But he conceded that what had happened after Godhra was also
condemnable. "If you go deeper into the Gujarat
tragedy," he said, "you will find that the people of
India believe in a multi-religious culture and want to live in
harmony. No one should challenge our beliefs in secularism."
He said he was surprised to know during his visit to Singapore
about the arrests of some 15 Al Qaeda members. He said India was
suffering at the hand of these terrorists.
Union Home Minister Lal Kishenchand Advani, though present at the
public meeting, did not speak. BJP president K Jana Krishnamurthi
stoutly defended the Narendra Modi government in Gujarat and
warned the Congress that it should respect "democratic
norms". Slamming the Congress campaign for Modi's ouster, he
warned, "We too are capable of playing this sport."
The Times of India, MONDAY, MARCH 04, 2002
9:21:09 PM
Media exaggerating riots
situation in Gujarat: PM
NEW DELHI: A day after his televised address to the nation
regretting the "disgraceful" violence in Gujarat, Prime
Minister Vajpayee told a group of concerned citizens that the
media was presenting an "exaggerated" account of the
situation in the state.
According to members of the citizens' delegation - which included
noted Gandhian Nirmala Deshpande - Vajpayee told them on Sunday
that it was incorrect to suggest that the whole of Gujarat was
burning, when the violence was limited to a few places.
According to writer and activist Sonia Jabbar, who was part of
the delegation, Vajpayee said the media has not played a
constructive role by showing scenes of carnage; and that instead
of complaining to the government, the delegation should ask the
media to play a better role. She said that Vajpayee added that if
he were to say the same thing to the media directly, he would be
accused of censorship.
The Prime Minister's Office has not released an account of the
meeting. Attempts to contact the PMO spokesman proved
unsuccessful.
The citizens' delegation asked Vajpayee about the possibility of
banning groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang
Dal, which were fomenting tension.
Tehelka.com
Prime Minister Vajpayee: the
mirror with two faces
Although Vajpayee may calculatedly project a soft and
moderate exterior, he is an RSS man to the boot, says Zafar Agha
New Delhi, April 6
It was a theatrics par excellence. Prime Minister Atal Behari
Vajapayee was at his oratorical best wooing the Muslims who had
lost faith in every thing. After all, his trip to Ahmedabad had
come up in an extremely demanding situation in a city haunted by
state-sponsored genocide.
Ironically, the man largely responsible for this state-sponsored
terrorism, Gujarat Chief Minister Modi, was seen accompanying the
Prime Minister all along during the latter's visit to Ahmedabad.
He was with Vajpayee at the Shah Alam camp, where thousands of
Ahmedabad riot victims have taken refuge. Modi, in fact, never
cared to visit these camps till Vajpayee reached the city on
Thursday.
But Vajpayee had a brief to carry out. His job was to woo Muslims
but at the same time not to upset Modi - a demanding job indeed!
So the Prime Minister had to do his best. And, his performance in
Gujarat was, indeed, one of the best in his long political career
in which he has mastered the skill of oratory.
Vajpayee's expressions betrayed right emotions in the right
situations. Flushed with disappointment and dismayed with the
gravity of violence, Vajpayee delivered all the right lines:
"Yeh kia pagalpan hia
Bhalla kaun inssan, inssan ko
zinda jala sakta hai
Main kia moohn ley kar bahar jaoon
gaa" (This is sheer madness
How can one human being
burn another? What face will I carry outside India). It was
theatrics at its best.
But Vajpayee betrayed his real self at the end of his journey. He
did a volte face when a reporter asked whether Modi would be
replaced. Vajpayee, with the right pause at the right time, said,
"I don't see that possibility." And, to keep up his
façade he chided Modi to do his rajdharma, to which Modi
retorted that he was doing his rajdharma all right. After all,
both Vajpayee and Modi have learnt the same rajdharma in RSS
shakhas that teach their members to convert Muslims into
"second class citizens."
When the moment of reckoning came, Vajpayee stood by the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) line: glib talking to Muslims
of Ahmedabad but leaving Modi unharmed. This sums up Vajpayee the
politician. His exterior is always soft, humane and at times as
gentle as that of a poet. But his politics never deviates from
RSS politics. Be it the massacre of Christians in Orissa or the
killing and burning of Muslims in Ahmedabad, Vajpayee finally
stands by the RSS line.
Vajpayee's performance in Ahmedabad leaves him exposed. It
mirrors two faces of Vajpayee's personality. He is soft and
moderate in his pronouncements. But he is the hardcore RSS man
when it comes to practicing politics.
This is, indeed, a dangerous trait for a politician because he
may say something but will do something the opposite. There have
often been moments when the country witnessed this dangerous
trait of Vajpayee, but rarely was it so fully exposed as in
Ahmedabad.